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The Land Before Time—PART 13: Science vs. Reality

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An exhaustive study of Native American DNA from Siberians, Canadians and some natives from the tip of South America was conducted in 2012. Admittedly, the sample was relatively small, 750, and excluded representation of First Nations from the United States due to cost constraints and lack of natives’ participation. Still, it was one of the first studies of its kind in which archaeologists, linguists, paleoanthropologists, and geneticists were brought together to ascertain the origin of natives. Using cutting-edge technology, they made some interesting findings:

Ripan Malhi, an anthropologist at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, wrote in an e-mail that the new data added [sic] nuance to a consensus view that had emerged that there was a single source population that gave rise to Native Americans. The team’s explanation that there were multiple waves of migration that interbred with the earlier groups in parts of North America helps explain the overall similarity of DNA among all Native Americans as well as some unaccounted for differences in groups from North America, he wrote [i]

They’ve determined that First Nations have been derived from a single source population? This is interesting in that it appears, on the face, that this finding reaches all the way back to the Garden of Eden. However, as we will see later, the embedded idea that “we have always been here” that is prevalent within U.S.-based natives can also be true given other genetic research. That being the case, is there competing DNA embedded in the Native American gene pool that gives rise to doubt over the origins of First Peoples—and, if so, from where did it originate?

Buried History

Native American lore is replete with stories of “giants” and monsters. When these episodes are repeated, modern man often dismisses them as mere Indian fable. Yet still the stories persist. Could their longevity be more than simple tradition handed down from one generation to another? Do these traditions have their roots in reality?

The place to examine these ancient depictions are at the oldest locations known to exist in North America. While European and Middle Eastern locations often receive more attention, there are curious ancient archaeological locations in America that defy explanation, though science does try.

As an example, Albert Koch recounts an interesting description of the Osage tribe in the 1843 work, Missourium Theristocaulodon:

There was a time when the Indians paddled their canoes over the now extensive prairies of Missouri, and encamped or hunted on the bluffs. (These bluffs vary from 50 to 400 feet in perpendicular height.) That at a certain period many large and monstrous animals came from the eastward, along and up the Mississippi and Missouri rivers, upon which the animals that had previously occupied the country became very angry, and at the last so enraged and infuriated, by reason of these intrusions, that the red man durst not venture out to hunt any more, and was consequently reduced to great distress. At this time a large number of these huge monsters assembled here, when a terrible battle ensued, in which many on both sides were killed, and the remainder resumed their march towards the setting sun. Near the bluffs which are at present known by the name of Rocky Ridge, one of the greatest of these battles was fought. Immediately after the battle, the Indians gathered together many of the slaughtered animals, and offered them on the spot as a burnt sacrifice to the Great Spirit: the remainder were buried by the Great Spirit himself in the before mentioned Pomme de Terra, which from this time took the name of the Big Bone river, as well as the Osage. From this time the Indians brought their yearly sacrifice to this place, and offered it up to the Great Spirit as a thank offering for their timely deliverance; and more latterly, they have offered their sacrifice on the table rock previously mentioned, which was held in great veneration, and considered holy ground.[ii]

To be honest to the story, Koch goes on to describe how woolly mammoth remains were discovered in this area. His presumption is that this story was talking about a “terrible battle” between early man and the mammoth, but what if it wasn’t that at all? What if this story was speaking about something so foreign to these early Indians that they could not find a reference in their vernacular to call them anything else but “monsters”?

Case in point: A little more than two hundred miles away in what is now known as Cahokia, Missouri, one of the greatest prehistoric, pre-Columbus, and perhaps pre-Native American ancient digs yielded astonishing results when it was first excavated in 1922. Numerous mounds—earthen, flat-topped pyramids of sorts—were excavated.

At one time, as many as 120 mounds existed, but due to alterations, erosion, and destruction over the years, only 109 have been recorded. One of the mounds jetted a hundred feet into the sky and consisted of a 2,200-acre site that was the center of a city of at least four thousand acres and perhaps as many as forty thousand to fifty thousand people within surrounding area. The footprint of the primary mound, Monks Mound, is bigger than that of the Great Pyramid in Giza.

Researchers have found the remains of nearly three hundred people in one of the mounds who appear to have been victims of human sacrifice. In addition, the Utah County Democrat reported the following find in a cave across from the Mounds in 1908:

Burial Place of Giants

East St. Louis—Human bones, believed to have been those of sixteen mound builders, were found in East St. Louis on Tuesday by workmen who were digging an excavation. One skeleton was walled up in a stone tomb eight feet high. It was that of a man apparently seven feet tall. When the stones were removed the skeleton fell into two pieces. Buried under seven feet of earth near the base of this ancient tomb were the skeletons of fifteen men, all above normal height, they were seated in a circle about the tomb.[iii]




Most Americans are totally unaware of the pervasiveness of such ancient cities and the giant bones that occupy many of the sites. Numbering over two hundred thousand, these types of ruins from advanced civilizations dot all across North America. From mounds and skeletons of the West Virginia Kanawha Valley, where a twelve-foot giant with double rows of teeth was dug up to the West Coast in Rancho Lompoc, California, in 1833, where a twelve-foot-tall giant was discovered buried with massive tools too big for humans to handle. The giant was also covered with a material that had unintelligible symbols on it. In the North, we find giants’ bones all over Minnesota; and you could travel down South to Rockwell, Texas, and discover that giant skeletons were unearthed from mounds there (later in this book, Tom Horn investigates “The Great Smithsonian Cover Up”).

So why do most people not know of this ancient past and the massive remains found in the mounds? The simple answer is suppression. In fact, in our modern era, almost as quickly as these finds come to light, they are suppressed, and the evidence is hidden away or destroyed. Perhaps the biggest culprit is the Smithsonian itself, which has managed to efficiently remove the discussion of giants and their habitats from the public.

The question remains: Who built these mounds? They involved construction that was far too advanced for simple hunter-gatherers. As in the case of the Cahokia Mounds, tons of soil had to be brought in from far off locations.

In addition, these sites bear a striking resemblance to their ancient European cousins. Rather than dwelling on the remains of massive beings found inside many of these structures (this author has written extensively about that issue in other works), our focus is on the technology employed and the time in which these mounds were built. Could it be that these remnants are also from the descendants of ancient angelic civilizations? If so, where did they go? What happened to them? And will they be back?

New Common Knowledge

In almost all Native American cultures, there is a belief in this stargate principle. However, individuals from the outside world have only just began to hear about this centuries-old use of stargates. Understandably, tribes have kept this secret very close to the vest, but something has changed. Another excerpt from our DOD report gives us an idea:

The admission that space-time “portals” exist and that spiritual people can use them to move from one physical universe to another has been a very recent development, preceding this study by only a few years. Conversations with people from the Sioux, Gros Ventre, Cheyenne and Cherokee within the past several years, now held in strict confidence as to particularities, seem to suggest that these sites will be very important in the future.”[iv] (emphasis added)

“Will be very important in the future”…so why tell us now?

If in the past this information has been so closely guarded by Native Americans and they are now feeling it time to release the information about the existence of stargates, one has to wonder why.

Could it be that they are all about to open at the same time? And if so, what will be the triggering mechanism for such an event? We know what is being reported in Native American media, but is there corroborating evidence that such gateways exist on Indian lands?

U.S. Incentive

I suppose the U.S. government takes this next verse out of Matthew 6:19–21 quite seriously, because they certainly are trying to get to the heavens.

Lay not up for yourselves treasures upon earth, where moth and rust doth corrupt, and where thieves break through and steal: But lay up for yourselves treasures in heaven, where neither moth nor rust doth corrupt, and where thieves do not break through nor steal: For where your treasure is, there will your heart be also.

Reflecting on the report on Indian sacred sites in the last chapter, when it comes to the motives of the United States government, this author cannot help but be skeptical. Is this an overreaction? Let’s try to piece together what we have so far regarding the real motivations for an interest in Native American sacred land.

  1. There is irrefutable evidence of giants in ancient mound sites that appear to be precursors to the American Indian population.
  2. Passed down from generation to generation, ancient stories from various tribes depict everything from giants to UFOs.
  3. As early as the late 1990s, the U.S. government has taken steps to “secure” these sites for the native peoples, and at the same time, acknowledge the existence of stargates, or portals, but buried this information in a government report.
  4. In the previous chapters, it has been noted that the government has not only been aware of stargates, but has been actively using them.
  5. The previously mentioned government report stresses the idea that these portals, or stargates, will become very important in the future.

This author is reminded of what Ronald Reagan said were the nine most terrifying words in the English language: “I’m from the government and I’m here to help.”

If the U.S. government has an interest in Native American stargates, it can lead to nothing good. If you don’t believe it, just ask the Sioux up in North Dakota, who are, at the penning of this book, trying to fight back an oil pipeline that “the government” insists needs to go through their land. So much for safeguarding the ancient sites.

An excerpt from a recent news conference on the status of the protest yields some very interesting insight from Dave Archambault Jr., chairman of the Standing Rock Sioux tribe. Although these comments are designed to help the plight of the Sioux in this matter, they also shed light on the larger discussion of what exactly goes on at Indian sacred places:

I learned from my grandparents about the sacred areas within Blackfeet tribal territory in Montana and Alberta, which is not far from Lakota tribal territory in the Dakotas.

My grandparents said that sacred areas are places set aside from human presence. They identified two overarching types of sacred place: those set aside for the divine, such as a dwelling place, and those set aside for human remembrance, such as a burial or battle site. [sic]

My grandparents’ stories revealed that the Blackfeet believe in a universe where supernatural beings exist within the same time and space as humans and our natural world. The deities could simultaneously exist in both a visible and invisible reality. That is, they could live unseen, but known, within a physical place visible to humans.

One such place for the Blackfeet is Ninaiistako or Chief Mountain in Glacier National Park. This mountain is the home of Ksiistsikomm or Thunder, a primordial deity. My grandparents spoke of how this mountain is a liminal space, a place between two realms.[v] (emphasis added)

There are many tidbits of information in this brief quote.

  • These places are set aside for the divine. This begs the question: Who do these people think are divine? This question is answered, at least in part, later in this chapter; however, the point is that the “divine,” to them, denotes a tangible entity and not just a spirit. It is a being that dwells, in this example, on this mountain.
  • Blackfoot believe in a universe where supernatural beings exist within the same time and space as humans and in our natural world. At first glance, most people would chalk this reference up to “spirits.” However, he goes on to say that they are known in a “physical place,” and are known and seen by humans. Apparently, they’re not so intangible spirits after all.
  • He says “this mountain is a liminal space, a place between two realms,” referring to Chief Mountain in Glacier National Park, Montana. This stunning admission is probably lost on most readers of the article. The word “liminal” comes from the word “limen,” which means, “threshold or doorway,” and, for our purposes, “a gate,” as in stargate.

It should be noted that Mr. Archambault is a highly educated man with a great deal of responsibility entrusted to him in his role as as chairman. Understanding that this press conference would be seen by the general public, this author is certain that he chose his words very carefully. He said exactly what he meant—and what he meant to tell the world was that there were sacred places that included “portals.” These places were so important to Native Americans that they were willing to stand in front of bulldozers to stop the desecration of these sites.

To an earlier point about the government having ulterior motives for their desire to “safeguard” sacred sites, could it be that there is something more to the United States’ interest in the Sioux North Dakota site? We have been told in the news that it is an ancient burial ground, but who or what is buried there? Is it their ancestors who came through a gate? Or, is there an active gate on the land?

These questions are not easily answered because of the tribe’s understandable unwillingness to detail such issues and the government’s ongoing secret agenda regarding these sites. Remember what was said in the report: “In general these locations are held in utmost secrecy and outsiders will only find out about the location if there is a threat of physical destruction of the site.” Have the contents of the site been disclosed to the government, and have they decided that they want it?

In fact, later in the same article, we see an excellent point made by legal scholar Stephen Pevar:

There is no federal statue that expressly protects Indian sacred sites…. In fact, the federal government knowingly desecrates sites.

In the past year we have seen protests over the potential desecration of sacred places at Mauna Kea in Hawaii (over the construction of another telescope on a sacred volcano), Oak Flats in Arizona (over a potential copper mine on sacred land) and now at Standing Rock in North Dakota.[vi]

To prove this point, the Mount Graham International Observatory (MGIO), which was brought to the forefront of interest by Tom Horn’s investigations in the excellent book, Exo-Vaticana, was the center of great controversy when construction on the facility began in September 1993.

The 10,720-foot peak had long been considered by the Apaches. The idea that a consortium of groups from the United States, Italy, Germany, and the Vatican wanted to build a facility worth hundreds of millions of dollars was an affront to their religious beliefs. Yet the feigned concern displayed in the Department of Defenses” “Sacred Site” paper certainly did nothing to stop the building of the facility.

As to whether or not there was something sacred about this mountain, three points are offered for consideration:

  1. If an astronomical observatory had to be built on a high mountain in the state of Arizona, there are three other peaks that are taller than Mount Graham: Escudilla Mountain, 10,912′; Mount Baldy, 11,421′; and Humphreys Peak, 12,635′. In fact, if a telescope had to be placed in the continental United States, Mount Graham isn’t even on the list of the ten tallest peaks. So why here?
  2. Natural portals appear to be prevalent in high places. It stands to reason that the top of a mountain, like a pyramid, would avail itself to this type of dimensional opening.
  3. During his visit to the completed MGIO site two decades later, Tom Horn wrote:

This was especially true when we walked up the gravel road from VATT [Vatican Advanced Technology Telescope] to the Large Binocular Telescope (LBT), where we spent most of the day with a systems engineer who not only took us to all seven levels of that mighty machine—pointing out the LUCIFER device and what it is used for (which he lovingly referred to as “Lucy” several times and elsewhere as “Lucifer”) as well as every other aspect of the telescope we tried to wrap our minds around—but who also stunned us as we sat in the control room, listening to him and the astronomers speak so casually of the redundancy with which UFOs are captured on screens darting through the heavens. Our friendly engineer didn’t blink an eye, nor did any of the other scientists in the room, and we were shocked at this, how ordinary it seemed to be.[vii]




It is evident that Mount Graham was chosen over all the other peaks in the country because of the Apache assurances that there was something different about this mountain. The Vatican and other groups understood this, and as a consequence forced this project onto Apache land. Of that encounter, we read:

“The Apache believe that Mount Graham is essential for maintaining their traditional way of life,” said Keith H. Basso, a University of New Mexico anthropologist. “The telescopes desecrate Mount Graham because they violate and impugn the mountain’s ‘life’ and all associated forms of life that have existed for centuries on the mountain.”[viii]

“It’s been carried on for generations and generations,” says Ola Cassadore Davis, an Apache woman who grew up in a family that worshipped quietly on the peak. “Our ways of prayer were never open to advertising. We don’t tell everyone what we’re doing. We just go.”[ix]

Notice to tribal officials about the then-proposed project was minimal at best. They’d received only one postcard from the U.S. Forest Service with a description of the project. The tribal council’s response was to pass several resolutions opposing the construction. Taking a firmer stance, the Apache Survival Coalition filed a lawsuit in 1991 to block the project on the grounds that it violated protections for Native American freedom of religion. Eventually the university developed a secret plan to run the Apaches off by showering influencial parties with funding.

The point is that the observatory sits atop Mount Graham today in defiance of Native American wishes, regardless of the stated intent by the U.S. government. The desire of their organization and of other powerful groups to have access to the Stargate superseded any concern for Native American beliefs. Why would this governmental more be any different today?

In our modern vernacular, we use phrases like, “Can a leopard change its spots?” But the fact is, where the U.S. government is concerned, they have consistently dealt with Native Americans in the same way they always have: by taking their stuff. First Peoples groups of North America are and should be concerned about the government’s intent regarding their sacred places, because there is a history of past action that shows them what future actions will be. Jeremiah has something to say about this in 17:9:

The heart is deceitful above all things, and desperately wicked: who can know it?

The simple fact is that the government has desired to obtain access to gates and portals for decades. If they are not willing to show restraint about Native American lands because of sacred sites, it would stand to reason that something as desirable for them would be a target, no matter what they have to say to the various tribes.

UP NEXT: Remnants before America

[i] Carolyn Y. Johnson, “Native Americans Migrated to the New World in Three Waves, Harvard-Led DNA Analysis Shows,”, (July 11, 2012).

[ii] Albert Koch, “Description of the Missourium Theristocaulodon”, C. Crookes, Dublin (1843).

[iii] Burial Place of Giants, Utah County Democrat (November 28, 1908), p. 4.

[iv] Ibid.

[v] Rosalyn R. LaPier, “Here’s What No One Understands about the Dakota Access Pipeline Crisis—Understanding Sacred Sites,” Washington Post, (November 4, 2016).

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Tom Horn and Chris Putman, Exo-Vaticana: Petrus Romanus, Project L.U.C.I.F.E.R., and the Vatican’s Astonishing Plan for the Arrival of an Alien Savior (Crane, Missouri: Defender, 2013), p. 1.

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] John Dougherty, “Making a Mountain into a Starbase,” High Country News, (July 24, 1995).

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